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He fought like a Berber»: For whom the bell tolls by Ernest Hemingway

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In his eleven-vol ume set of books, the story of civilizati on, Will Dura nt confirms that civilizati on thrives when the state of worry and unres t is over. That’s to say, when man gets rid of fear and anxiety, his natural motives of curiosity and creation become free and thus pave the way to understand life and make prosperity .
The Berbers, throughout their history, have been targeted by many nations and empir es; the Romans, the Greeks, the Pharaohs, the Vandals, the Portu guese, the Phoenician s, the Arabs and finally by the French and the Spaniards in the 19th and the 20th centuries.

These pr olonged and constant assaults on the Berbers played a great role in the devastatio n of their civilizati on and in the killing of their cre ative soul, too. Arabs, for instance, were Bedouins at that time when they conquered North Africa under the pretext of converting the Berbe r “infidels” to Islam. At this very point, I’d like to refer to Ibn Khaldoun who describes the Bedouins in his Almoqaddim a as enemies a nd subverters of civilizati on. In my modest opinion, this is what in fact happened to Berbers; hundreds and hundreds of years of civili zation were distorted, crops were burned, and houses and castles w ere demolished and replaced by tents. This massive destructio n and offen sive had no reason other than those Bedouins’ instinct to subvert a nd destroy all what was new and different to them. It is also worthy to mention that Berbers establishe d libraries which were completely burned by those intruders.

This state of trouble always kept the Berbe rs in a state of self-defen ce. Thus, they were obliged to give less importance to building a strong “valuable” civilizati on. In other wor ds, their human instincts of curiosity and their intention to sustai n their own community had never been satisfied. According to Will Dura nt, fear of the unknown is a psychologi cal situation that kills the facul ty of creation and organizati on. Neverthele ss, the Berbers had unpre cedented symbiosis with foreign civilizati ons, as a case in point; th e Roman Empire and the Pharaons (which, by the way, no longer exist). A lso, they led great expedition s to spread Islam in Spain and in the sub-s aharian Africa. In addition, there were great writers and thinkers such as Saint Augustine (354-430AD ) whose works, including the confe ssions, are still widely read around the world. Lucius Apuleius who composed the metamorpho ses or the golden ass (Assinus Aureus), which inspired W. Shakespear e to draw upon his famous a midsummer night’s dream…

To sum up, their geographic al location and other objective and subjective factors kept the Berbers under the mercy of such assaults and offensives . However, the Berber will to exist and co-ex ist has never been exhausted; history reminds us of great Berber wa rriors like Adrikan, who fought against the Greeks, Shishong, who fough t and ruled over the Egyptians, Ugarthan who baffled the Romans, A xil who resisted the Umayyad occupation , Dehya who succeeded him as the war leader of the Berber tribes in the 680s and opposed the encro aching Arab armies, and recently the founding father of guerri lla-war, M.A. Al-khattab i (1882 – 1963).

W ritten by Khalid Hajjioui

Ammar Negadi inhumé à Merouana C‘est dans une atmosphère pleine d‘émotion et de tristesse q

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Ammar Negadi inhumé à Merouana


C‘est dan s une atmosphère pleine d‘émotion et de tristesse qu‘a eu lieu jeudi der nier à Merouana la cérémonie d‘enterrem ent d‘Ammar Negadi, le doyen du Mouvement culturel amazigh dans les Aurès.

Dès les premières heures de la journée, les rues de cette ville connurent un mouvement inhabituel . De nombreux citoyens affluaient en effet de partout et pressa ient le pas pour aller rejoindre l‘ancienne mosquée de la ville où auront lieu les cérémonies funéraires . Une foule nombreuse s‘est con stituée, ainsi, devant la mosquée attendant l‘arrivée du cortège f unéraire. En plus des habitants de Merouana, des centaines de citoyens venus des quatre coins des Aurès ont tenu, par leur présence, à rendre ho mmage au grand militant que fut Dadda Ammar. Bravant le froid et la neige, ils sont venus, en effet, de toutes parts, de Khenchela, de Batna, de Biskra, d‘Oum-El-B ouaghi et même d‘Alger pour accompagne r le défunt à sa dernière demeure. On pouvait remarquer, entre autres ci toyens, les animateurs du MCA, les responsabl es du mouvement citoyen d ans les Aurès, les présidents d‘associat ions culturelle s amazighes et des centaines de citoyens anonymes qui ne connaissai ent même pas le défunt mais qui vouaient beaucoup de respect et d‘admirati on pour celui qui a frayé le chemin au mouvement culturel amazigh dans les Aurès. Sa lim Yezza, figure de proue du mouvement citoyen, était très ému, rete nant difficilem ent ses larmes.&nb sp; "Je ne le connaissai s pas perso nnellement,   nous dit-il, mais Dadda Ammar représenta it, pour nous et pour notre génération un monument incarnant le combat millénaire des Aures siens contre le déni identitair e". Prenant la parole à cette occ asion, Saci Abdi, un autre militant très connu dans la région, a retracé la vie du regretté en invoquant ses grandes qualités humaines et surtout son combat pour la reconnaiss ance de l‘identité de son peupl e. "Aujourd‘h ui, c‘est l‘une des étoiles qui s‘est éteinte dans le ciel ténébreux auressien" , dit-il à une assistance médusée qui n‘en reve nait pas de la disparitio n du fils de Bellezma. Les nombreux jeunes mi litants qui semblaient s‘en vouloir de ne pas avoir connu Dadda Ammar de son vivant, avaient du mal à quitter le cimetière. Ainsi et pour cont enir l‘émotion de ces jeunes, il a été décidé d‘organise r mardi pro chain un autre cérémonie pour rendre un hommage à la hauteur&nb sp; de celui qui a, rappelons- le, conçu pour la première fois le calendrier berbère. Un seul message se lit sur tous les visages des militants présents en force ce jeudi à Merouana : "Repose en paix Dadda Ammar, on ne t‘oubliera jamais".


Salim. Guettouchi .

Beni Farah

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Beni Farah – The History


Little is known about Beni Farah or precisely little of documented history.

The local legend tells us about a village being built and destroyed seven times. In fact it\'s not a proper destructio n but it seems, according to legends again, that seve re droughts have stricken the village and left its population with no water to drink or work the land with. So at each time the local tribes leave the village; and the severe weather and time play the usual role of destroying uninhabite d houses and farmlands. Once snow and rainfall are back and fountains are again pouring water the farme rs and shepherds begin to resettle again and revive the village. This pattern can be seen in recent history. Since the 1970s Beni Farah is sufferin g from a continuous drought. The rainfall is scarce an d the snow cannot be seen but rarely in Beni Farah streets and peaks . Only modern technology , especially water pumps and canalizati on, has prevented the total abandon again of the village by its inhabitant s.

There are archaeolog ical evidences showing that Beni Farah existed (likely intermitte ntly) since old times. Large crafted stones can be seen in the area of Ain al-Gat south of the village. Along the footpath linking Thaklih n\'Kasha to al-Kaa n\'Foulka similar stones are found as well as at the west of Liana, Thiwririne and Thizi Amahashmag gen. This kind of stones is typical of the middle ages and older and have no resemblanc e to the kind of material used to erect the existing houses. At Ikhef n\'Souf there were some Latin inscriptio ns on a bolder which indicate that the village is indeed an old settlement .


The hill known as al-Maqba rth nah at\'Talb a, overlookin g the present village center, contains remains o f pottery and earth ware. According to the locals this is where the village was standing before the last massive immigratio n out of the village and its demise.

The majes tic Thishoobar (Towers) overseeing most of the inhabited and farme d areas of Beni Farah is compos ed of huge rocks and seems to be a fort in ancient times. Its easte rn part still contains remains of fortificat ions used seemingly to alert the population of eminent threats. Remains of what can be consid ered either a wall or stairs descending from the top of Thisho obar down to the relatively flat area westward are still pre sent.

Historian Emile Masqueray reported( 1) that Beni Farah was under the authority of Biskra\'s bey during the Ottoman period. Every year Farhis paid to Biskra 30 duros (aound US$1100 of today\'s money)(2) but when the Turkish nouba or mahalla (column) travels to them they add 70 nattas to the annual payment.

After the French conquered Aures, the only tie they establishe d and kept with the village was the regular visits of the pitiless collectors of taxes and fines. In 1906 the colonial administ ration built a two classrooms school but very few children attended it. Parents were always suspicious towards the colonial intentions .

During the Algerian revoluti on (1954-1962 ) Beni Farah was part of Zone 3 of Wilaya 1 (Aures).

After the independen ce in 1962 Beni Farah was part of the Aures wilaya (district) and daira (county) of Biskra until 1974. From 1974 to 1983 it was attached to the daira of Ain Touta, wilaya of Batna after the promotion of Biskra to the status of wilaya. After the administ rative reorganiza tion of 1983 Beni Farah was again reattached to the wilaya of Biskra as part of the newly created daira of El Kantara.

War of Liberation (1954 – 1962)

The rugged nature of Beni Farah and the legendary tenacity of its Berber people were obvious reasons for the active presence in the area of the National Liberation Army (ALN) during the Algerian war of independen ce (1954-1962 ). Beni Farah was part of the Zone 3 of the Wilaya 1 (Aures). At the night of 1st November 1954 the group (foudj) of moudjahi deen of Beni Farah was under the command of Mohamed Benboulaid , brother of the legendary commander Mustapha Benboulaid .

For the villa ge the war started when, one night of November 1954, the moudj ahidine cut the phone lines linking it with Biskra, surrounded the small group of Goumia (Algerian auxiliarie s of the French Army) based at what is now the primary school then headed towards the Gaid home. The Gaid, an outsider by the name of Taher Ouamen designated by the colon ial administra tion, living in Tizi n\'Djamort h (presently the home of Mohamed Kajjouj) was dragged out from his bed and asked to renounce his involvemen t with the French. When he refused, the moudjahidi ne execute d him and nobody dared to become a Gaid again. Meantime the moudj ahidine surroundin g the goumia acted very cautiously and avoided s torming the building as the surrounded soldiers were locals. The goumi a were demoralise d when children and teenagers started throwing showers of stones at them, jeering and rememberin g them that they have side d against their own people and country. The moudjahide en lifted the siege after a while. Eventually all the goumia resigned afterwards and stopp ed their cooperatio n with the French authoritie s.

Until 1959 Beni Farah served as a link between the mountains of Ahmar Kheddou and Metli li and a base for resting FLN/ALN personel transiting between the Tell and the Sahara. It was a constant target of French \"combing\ " operatio ns that eventually lead to many skirmishes around the village a nd a major battle in Orchmadhas s. This military engagement in the north ern mountainou s part of Beni Farah in the 17th September 1956 invo lved hundreds of ALN fighters and thousands of French troupes. It is believed that this battle is the second largest engagement between t he ALN and the French army during the whole war of independen ce (The bigg est battle being Djebel Djorf, Aures). But since the outcome was not apparently in favour of the ALN, despite the heroic stand of the Moudj ahideen against a far superior French force, the official Algerian history tended to ignore this battle until 1991 when mediatised commemora tion festivitie s were organised. Mohamed Cherif Abbas, head of the Organisati on Nationale des Moudjahidi ne (ONM) and a no stranger to the area during the war, was among the personalit ies celebratin g this even t.

The French army wanted to destroy the moudjahidi nes in the area at all costs. In 10 July 1957, which was the day of Eid al Adha, thousands of French military personnel swarmed into Beni Farah from east and south and encircled it. They ordered everyone to assemble in the village square (Zaadhoudh ) and kept them for 48 hours while house searches and tracking of militants and fighters carried out. At the end the French shot 19 civilians suspected of helping the FLN and took 35 prisoner s (all civilians) .

In April 1959 Beni Farah was again the theatre of another large scale combing operation that achieved nothing but more civilian casualties and property destructio n.

In 15 June 1959 the French army establishe d a permanent base in Beni Farah at Al Markaz. The barracks also hosted the personnel of the infamous Sections Administra tives Spéciali sées (SAS) administra tion. Ambushes and punitive expedition s became daily events here.

One of the most successf ul operations of the ALN in the village is the ambush of Gueddili in 17 August 1959 where a French armed convoy coming from Djemoura was ambushed by the ALN fighters at around 23:00 in a narrow pass between Gueddili and th\'Ment Achih. The engagement was brief but decisive and the convoy was completely decimated. The French casualties were estimated at 50 between dead and injured.

In the morning (18 August 1959) the French stormed the village and killed 12 civilians and burned numerous houses. Some prisoners were also executed. Meantime the moudjahidi nes managed to plant a mine that blew up a French military truck full of soldiers. It\'s reported that the French immediatel y executed 9 prisoners as a retributio n.

It\'s also during this hot month that the French leaked the plan of the projected destructio n of the village and the removal of its inhabitant s elsewhere as they have done to Maafa before (Most of Maafa population were refugees in Beni Farah at that time). Fortunatel y this plan could not go on as the village was too large and its houses scattered in so many valleys and hills.

In November 1959, the moudjahi dines ambushed a French military engineerin g unit travelling on the road towards El Kantara. It\'s been reported that the enemy casualties were 18 dead soldiers .

In 25 September 1960, 13 moudjahidi nes classhed with French units in Laabar mountain from 14:00 to 19:00 and shot down a helicopter . They managed to withdraw elsewhere under the cover of darkness without any serious casualties .

In 11 January 1960 an attempt of an ALN sniper to kill a French commander, Captain Ribadaut or Ribadot, who has just finished addressing the rounded up villagers (la rafle) i n the main square of Zaadhoudh and heading towards his HQ in Al Markaz , ended up wounding the commander in the leg. Unsurprisi ngly the Frenc h took severe retaliator y measures including shelling the village c afe by a tank, indiscrimi nate air attacks and killing of domestic animals (donkeys and mules).

Some of the French armed units that have seen action in the Beni Farah are:

- The 47th Infantry Battalion who built the Al Markaz in 1959.

- The 2eme Régiment Etranger de Parachutis tes (REP) of the French Légion Etrangere when it was camping around El-Kantara . Its tactics of high mobility on feet in rugged terrains were problemati c to the Algerian moudjahide en particular ly when the 2eme REP elements occupied water sources for long and consecutiv e periods of time.

- Units of the «Tira illeurs Sénégalais » before being demobilize d in December 1958.

On the names Beni Farah and Ain Zaatout

Beni Farah is officially called Ain Zaatout; a name of a debated origin and seldom used by Farhis and their neighbours who use either the Arabic name \"Beni Farah\" or \"Ah Frah\" in Shawi dialect. There is a strong believe that the name Ain Zaatout was originated by the colonial French administra tion at the first half of the 20th century. Colonel Niox, author of \"La geographie militaire VI: Algerie et Tunisie\" in 1890, mentions the village by the name Beni Farah (although with a somewhat erroneous spelling ) and not Ain Zaatout. The Encarta encyclopae dia and the NASA Goddard Space Flight Center show the village by the name \"Beni Ferah\" as is the case in old French maps of Algeria. The antiquaria n bookseller Sotheran\' s (based at York, England) has in 2004 put for sale on its web site (www.sothe rans.co.uk) the \"A personal photograph album recording a family trip to Algeria\" containin g photograph s of Beni Farah (spelled Beni Ferah in the origi nal English captions of photos) taken between February 1923 to 1924. The linguistic and ethnologis t Andre Basset (1895-1956 ) used the name \"Ait Frah\", the Kabyle translati on of Ah Frah, in his writings about the village. In the document \"Un exemple de l\'extensi on des services des P.T.T. La région du Sud Constant inois.\" No 59 published on 20 March 1949 by the PTT (French Post and Telecomm unications service), the name Ain Zaatout has been used.

Note: In November 2005 I had the opportunit y to quickly go through the birth registrati on archives of the municipali ty and noticed that the first use of Ain Zaatout dates to 1900.

Whereas the word Beni Farah names the village after its inhabitant s, the name Ain Zaatout refers to a spring (Ain in Arabic) of some \"Zaatout\ ". Zaatout or Zaadhodh, as is pronounc ed locally, is the main public place in the village and there is a nearby spring called Thafoughal t hence the name \"Ain Zaatout\" in Arabic. Some Farhi elders say that zaatout itself is the name of a bird that used to live in considerab le numbers around the place by this name. As far as one can tell neither the contempora ry Shawi nor the Kabyle dialects use this word although some sources translate it to pigeon wood which is in accordance with the elders\' saying.

http://www .geocities. com/beni_fa rah/history .html



Book of Aures

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Amoung the Hill folk of Algeria by M W Hilton-Sim pson, journeys among the Shawía of the Aurès Mountains.
Author: Hilton-Sim pson, M. W. (Melville William), 1881-1938
amazing book to read, you step back in time and view Algerie through the eyes of another
re ad it here
http://ia3 60939.us.ar chive.org// load_djvu_. ..kofa00hil t.djvu

Massinissa

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Massinissa


Massiniss a (c.241- 148): king of the Massylians in Numidia (202-148).

When Massinissa was born, Numidia (more or less the north of  modern Algeria) was a country on the edge of the urbanized world of the Mediterran ean. Although many people were living in large villages that would eventually develop into cities, another part of the Numidian population was still roaming over the plains. Our word "nomad" is derived f rom "Numidia".

There were two tribal federation s, both in the proce ss of becoming full-blown kingdoms. In the west lived the Masaeisyli ans, in the east the Massylians . (They are already confused in ancient sources.) It seems that the eastern kingdom, which was close to Carthage, was more sympatheti c to this city, and it is possible that the Carthagini ans had actively encouraged the rise of a pro-Cartha ginian dynasty that would be a buffer against the western Numidians.

Massinissa was the son of king Gala (or Gaïa) of the Massylians , and was educated in Carthage - a kind way to say that he was in fact a hostage. In 212, when he was almost thirty years old, he served as commander of a Numidian cavalry unit in the Carthagini an army in Iberia. These were the years of the Second Punic War (218-202), in which Hannibal was fighting in Italy against the Romans. At the same time, the Romans tr ied to conquer Hispania, which was defended by Hannibal's brother Hasdrubal . In 211, he defeated and killed the two Roman commanders Publius and Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio, near Castulo.

However, the Romans were able to reorganize their army, which was commanded by Publius Cornelius Scipio, the son of the man who had been defeated by Hasdru bal. In 209, Scipio captured Carthago Nova, the Carthagini an capital i n Iberia, and Massinissa is recorded to have been active in this area in the following year. By this time, Hasdrubal was trying to bring reinforcem ents to his brother in Italy (in vain), and the Carthagini an army, under new leade rs, was slowly forced back to Andalusia. In 206, they were decisively defeated near Ilipa, and Scipio proceeded to capture the last Carthagini an strongh olds.

At this moment, Massinissa must have understood that Rome was to win the war. He negotiated with his opponents, and both parties agrees that if&n bsp; the Romans would invade Africa, Massinissa would help them. The Massylian prince had good reasons to conclude this deal, because in the meantime, his father had died, and the kingdom had been taken over by his brother O ezalces. The Romans could help Massinissa become king.

Unfortunat ely, Rome did not strike immediatel y. Scipio was first sent to Sicily, from where he first had to reconquer the "toe" of Italy to secure the Strait of Messina. Meanwhile, the two competing Massylian factions were easy victims f or another enemy, king Syphax of the Masaeisyli ans. Massinissa was still able to assist a first Roman exp edition to Africa, commanded by Scipio's deputy Laelius -together they loot ed the camp of Syphax- but in the end, Massinissa lost his position, and when Scipio finally made his appearance in Africa in 203, the Numidian could offer only 200 cavalry.

Yet, now that the Romans were there, he was able to recover his ground. In the battle on the great plains, Syphax and the Carth aginian commander Hasdrubal , son of Gesco, were defeated, and while the Roman general concentrat ed on Carthage, Massinissa followed Syphax to Cirta, where he took him prisoner.

Among the captives was also Syphax's wife Sophoniba (daughter of Hasdrubal ), with whom Massinissa had once been engaged. He now married her, and when Scipio showed interest in this woman, who was a fierce Carthagini an patriot, Massinissa decided t o poison her.

In the meantime, Hannibal had arrived on the scene, bu t on 19 October 202, Scipio defeated the Carthagini an general near Zama. Mas sinissa's cavalry played an important role in this battle. Almost immediatel y, Carthag e surrendere d. Massinissa was rewarded with the throne of all Numidia. His reign was to last more than half a century.

In this period, he developed the country economical ly. Cities multiplied and continued to grow, trade benefited, agricultur e was inten sified. In 179, Numidia produced a surplus, and Massinissa could present h imself as the benefactor of the Greek island of Delos, which gave him crede ntials in the Greek-Roma n world as leader of a civilized nation. In the company of Scipio and his relatives, Massinissa also met the Greek his torian Polybius of Megalopoli s, who seems to have liked the Numidian king and describes him as a cultivated man, whose mission it was to civilize his country. The positive tone of our sources is essentiall y based on Polybius' portrait.

As an ally of Rome living near its arch-enemy , Massinis sa could always raid Carthagini an land, or simply claim that it was his. Rome would always help him (e.g., in 193, 182, 174, 172). So he gained ports in the north and east (e.g., Sabratha, Oea [in 162/161], and Lepcis Ma gna).

In 154, Carthage decided to strike back, and began to build an army. Immediatel y, the Romans, who learned from it from an envoy of Massinissa , investigat ed the case, and they tried to strike a comprom ise. But Massinissa 's raids continued, and in 151, the Carthagini ans declar ed war upon the Numidians. The king, who was now ninety-two years old , defeated his enemies, who were commanded by Hasdrubal . Carthage now also incurred a war against the Romans. In 146, the city was sacke d.

Massiniss a died in 148, shortly after the Roman invasion. The Roman his torian Livy rec ords that he had been "so vigorous that among the other youthful exploits that he performed during his final years, he was still sexually active an d begot a son when he was eighty-six " (Periochae , 50.6). H e left his kingdom to his three sons Micipsa, Gulussa, and Mastanabal .

King Jugurtha , who was to be a famous enemy of Rome by the end of the second century, was a son of Mastanabal .



Pétition : SAUVEGARDONS IMEDGHASSEN

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Monsieur le Président de la République Algérienne ,

En qualité de citoyenne algérienne et présidente de l'associat ion lyonna ise Auressienn e Kahina Tamazight (pour la promotion de la culture c hawie), j'attire votre attention sur le désastre que subit le Mausolée Imedghassen près de El Madher dans la wilaya de Batna.
L e plus ancien des monuments funéraires de Numidie, datant environ du IV siècle avant J.C, est laissé à l'abandon.

A l'occasion de nos divers voyages culturels dans les Aurès depuis 20 07, nous avons pu constater qu'il n'y avait aucun avancement dans la restau ration de ce site. Malheureus ement les intempérie s au fil du temps aggravent la destructio n du Mausolée. Si des travaux de restau ration ne sont pas entrepris pour ce monument, il disparaîtr a.
Ce site archéologi que représente beaucoup pour la culture du peuple al gérien. Il est à la fois le passé, le présent et le futur de notre pay s.

J'espèr e que notre appel vous aura sensibilis é et que vous pourrez r épondre favorablem ent à notre demande expresse de restaurati on du site Imed ghassen.

Dans l'attente d'une action, je vous prie Monsieur le Président de la Républ ique Algérienne de croire, à nos salutation s les plus resp ectueuses.

La Présidente
Nora MERGHAD

remarque : il est impératif que ceux ou celles qui signe la pétition, d'indiquer leur nom et prénom réél,dans le cas contraire vous abstenir, merci de votre compréhens ion

Signer la pétition / De petitie onderteken en.
http:/ /www.lapeti tion.be/sig n_petition. php?petid=3 634

Help our people

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Well all of you know the situation back in our Aures area, many sick from the cold, poor health care, and not much money for medication s let alone food. I would like for all of us whom are out of the country or in the the country to please help out in anyway possible meaning:
c ollecting eye glasses, sugar testing machines, warm clothes, or even just food to our people who are in need of it.
A few years ago I started a charity group, not a big one mostly myself doing it along with Mr Yezza, Salim to get what I could from the USA sent to him, he in return seeks out the needy and gives them the items for free, it is not much but it does help out a bit. Now I am getting so many donations of goods, but the fact is how I can send all these things alone? I encourage who is ever going back to Algerie to take at least a few items back to Mr Yezza to hand out to our people whom need these things, if  you would like to know how you can help you may contact me or Mr Yezza to see how.

Reme mber it is our responsibi lity to help out our people of the Aures areas whom are in need seeing how our government will not do much!!!

keyboards for Tamazight

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Two virtual keyboards for Tamazight
Deux claviers virtuels pour Tamazight

<=== TIFINAGH ===>
http://ww w.lexilogos .com/clavier/ta mazight.htm

<=== LATIN ===>
http://ww w.lexilogos .com/clavier/ta mazight_lat in.htm

No te :
Very useful if you don't install the Amazigh Keyboards
Très utile si vous n'avez pas installez les claviers Amazighs

BOYCOTT

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"The blanket amnesties granted successive ly to armed groups and later to members of the security apparatus are an additional wound inflicted on the victims and their families,I nstead of granting impunity to perpetrato rs, thereby encouragin g further abuses, the authoritie s should restore the dignity of victims by sending out a strong message that such crimes will no longer be tolerated. " DO WE WANT Bouteflika YET AGAIN ??? nothing has been done, except those who were the ones killing were rewarded, our villages go without food, water, gas, schools, hospitals, and proper jobs,,,, how much more should we stand for? Where is our democracy? Where are our fighters?

" Les amnisties couvrantes ont accordé successive ment aux groupes a rmés et plus tard aux membres de l'appareil de sécurité sont une bless ure additionne lle infligé sur les victimes et leurs familles, au lieu d'accorder l'impunité aux malfaiteur s, d'autres abus encouragea nts de ce fait, les autorités devraient reconstitu er la dignité des victi mes en envoyant un message fort que de tels crimes ne seront plus tole rated." ; VOULONS-NO US Bouteflika ENCORE UNE FOIS ? ? ? est-ce que rien, à moins que ceux qui étaient ceux massacre aient été récompensé s, nos villages vont-ils sans nourriture , eau, gaz, écoles, hôpitaux, et travau x appropriés , pour combien plus devraient nous a-t-ils été faits se tenir ? Où est notre démocratie ? Où sont nos combattant s ?

Condoléance

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AMUSSU AGHERMAN N WAWRAS

MOUVEMENT CITOYEN DES AURES




Condoléanc e

 

 

  Le mouvem ent  citoyen des AURES et l’ense mble des militants, profondéme nt  t ouchés ce Mardi 07 avril 2009  p ar le décès du père de leurs  a mi  SOLTANI  MAD ANI , délégué du Mouvement citoyen des Aurès ,  militant de la cause Amazighe  et les libertés démocratiq ues, et lui prése ntent ainsi qu’a toute sa famille leurs sincères condoléanc es dans cette pén ible circonstan ce de toute leurs compassion .



ULAC SMAH ULAC

LE COMBAT CONTINUE



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